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"Instead
of focusing on population, environmentalists should be working
with community leaders and activists to build diverse movements
to implement sustainable development strategies. When broader
reforms are developed, population stabilization becomes just
one strategy to build sustainable and equitable societies.
Other strategies would promote race and gender equality, eradication
of poverty, empowerment of disenfranchised communities, corporate
accountability, reduced consumption, sustainable use of natural
resources and protection of the natural resources."
Santos
Gomes as quoted in: Urban Ecology Number 4, 1997. Santos Gomes
is a Senior Research Associate at the Pacific Institute for
Studies in Development, Environment, and Security. He serves
on the National Population Committee of the Sierra Club and
the Board of the Political Ecology Group.
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Frank
Brunings has had 25 years of experience in the field of Planning
for Housing. Frank hired on as part of the update of the 1982 Monterey
County General Plan; wrote the Greater Salinas Area Plan, which
includes the Rancho San Juan Area of Development Concentration;
prepared three Certified Monterey County Housing Elements; and was
Monterey County's first and only "Housing Coordinator."
In this position, Mr. Brunings was responsible for running the county's
Inclusionary Housing Program and developing housing policies and
programs. He now works for the Redevelopment Agency of Santa Cruz
County as Manager of Housing Programs and Projects. These "Notes
on Affordable Housing" have been taken from a talk given by
Frank Brunings on October 14, 2001.
COMPONENT
1:
MAKE JOB GROWTH A FACTOR
IN THE REGIONAL HOUSING ALLOCATION PROCESS
SOME
OBSERVATIONS:
The current Regional housing needs allocation process needs repair
- the results don't make sense, for example:
| |
Sand
City |
Soledad |
| Population
(2000) |
261
|
7,146
|
| Housing
units (2000) |
87
|
2534
|
| Employment
(2000) |
3,500
|
3,700
|
| AMBAG
Regional Housing Allocation (1992) |
350
|
1191
|
| Population/Housing
Allocation ratio |
1.34
|
0.16
|
| Jobs/Housing
Allocation ratio |
10
|
3.1
|
| Tax
revenue per capita (2000) |
$7,222
|
$44
|
- Growth
in each jurisdiction should be measured by job as well as population
increases.
- The
equation for calculating the quantity of housing needed in any
jurisdiction should include jobs generated within the jurisdiction.
- The
housing prices should be commensurate with the affordability levels
as determined by wages.
- Projected
housing needs should be allocated to each jurisdiction by housing
prices or costs based on wage levels.
HOW
TO CHANGE THE PROCESS FOR DISTRIBUTION OF
REGIONAL HOUSING NEEDS
FIRST,
A LITTLE BACKGROUND:
Government
Code Section on Distribution of Regional Housing Needs (My emphasis)
Govt.
Code Section 65584 (a)
"The
distribution of regional housing needs shall, based upon available
data, take into consideration market demand for housing, employment
opportunities, the availability of suitable sites and public facilities,
commuting patterns, type and tenure of housing need, the loss of
units contained in assisted housing developments, as defined in
paragraph (8) of subdivision (a) of Section 65583, that changed
to non-low-income use through mortgage prepayment subsidy contract
expirations, or termination of use restrictions, and the housing
needs of farmworkers. The distribution shall seek to reduce the
concentration of lower income households in cities or counties that
already have disproportionately high proportions of lower income
households. Based upon population projections produced by the Department
of Finance and regional population forecasts used in preparing regional
transportation plans, and in consultation with each council of governments,
the Department of Housing and Community Development shall determine
the regional share of the statewide housing need."
Government
Code Section on improving the balance between employment generating
land use and residential land use in the (My emphasis)
Govt.
Code Section 65890.5 (a)
The
guidebook shall include the following: (1) Methodologies for measuring
the balance of jobs and housing. (2) Methodologies for analysis
of the projected needed housing supply to serve projected employment
growth. (3) Methodologies to encourage the balance of jobs and housing.
(4) Incentives which local, regional, and state agencies may offer
to the private sector to encourage developments and design which
will facilitate an improved balance between employment generating
land use and residential land use. (5) Methodologies cities and
counties may use to analyze trip generation and vehicle miles traveled
to and from employment centers.
(b)
The guidebook shall seek to describe and evaluate the various tools
available to local, regional, and state governments to measure,
evaluate, and improve the balance of jobs and housing and to mitigate
the undesirable effects of any imbalance between jobs and housing.
The guidebook shall describe efforts by cities, counties, and regional
agencies to improve the balance of jobs and housing.
CHANGES
NEEDED:
- Sponsor
and introduce legislation that would require a projection for
jobs by wage rates as part of calculation for distribution of
regional housing needs.
-
Connect State Govt. Code Section 65584 (a) on distribution of
regional housing needs with Govt. Code Section 65890 (5)(a) to
require jobs housing balance calculation as part of the housing
demand estimate.
- Deny
Housing Element certification unless a jurisdiction can provide
adequate sites for projected housing demand generated by job growth
according to income based on wage rates.
A
PROCESS FOR JOB-BASED CALCULATION OF HOUSING NEED:
Source:
http://www.co.monterey.ca.us/gpu/reports/
JBhousing92001-files/frame.htm
- Job
Projections by Major Economic Sector and Jurisdiction
- Estimate
Total Workers Per Household
-
Occupational Distribution Average Wages by Occupation
-
Allocate Workers to Households by Income Level for Each Jurisdiction
-
Estimate Dwelling Units Needed by Price Level for Each Jurisdiction
SOME
MORE OBSERVATIONS:
Jurisdictions
that cannot accommodate household demand based on jobs and population
may need to negotiate with other nearby jurisdictions in order to
relocate or transfer their housing need within a reasonable commute
shed as defined by amount of time traveled.
Existing
state law allows the transfer of housing allocation between jurisdictions
and within a county and its jurisdictions providing opportunities
for reallocation. For example:
- 1.
Govt. Code Section 65584 (5) (a)
"A city or county may transfer a percentage of its share
of the regional housing needs to another city or county, if all
of the following requirements are met.'"
-
2. Govt. Code Section 65584. (c) (2) (5)
"The council of governments or the department shall reduce
the share of regional housing needs of a county if all of the
following conditions are met.'"
- The
pressure jurisdictions receive from a changed State Law to accommodate
job based housing demand internally may require giving incentives
to nearby jurisdictions to accommodate housing externally. For
Example: recent tradeoffs between Salinas and San Jose Re: Cisco
Systems.
- Consider
imposing a regional commercial/industrial impact or linkage fee
with funds collected and redistributed according to revenue costs
or benefits associated with zoning for residential, commercial
and industrial land uses - begin to induce some level of fiscal
neutrality into land use decisions.
COMPONENT
2:
USE ANNEXATIONS TO YIELD A LARGER
PERCENTAGE OF HOUSING AFFORDABILITY
SOME
EXAMPLES:
- Davis,
California - 35% affordable upon annexation
-
Watsonville, California 50 % affordable upon annexation
-
Breckenridge Colorado - 80% affordable upon annexation
WHAT IS UP IN BRECKENRIDGE ?
The
Following is a quote from: Breckenridge Town Council Meeting,
Tuesday, September, 26, 2000, Breckenridge Town Hall http://www.townofbreckenridge.com/cn-minutes
(My
emphasis)
"Mr.
Hinton felt Mr. West had presented a compelling case that Town benefit
requirements had been met; he questioned the need to extract "a
pound of flesh ". Mr. Crispell felt the Town should "raise
the bar" when it came to annexation,' he noted Breckenridge's
appeal because of its open space and mountain vistas and noted these
probable second homeowners houses would not contribute any social
benefit to the Town (little community participation), but merely
add to traffic and put a greater strain on services. General Council
consensus was that an annexation should provide a social benefit
to the community"
The
Following is a quote from: The Town of Breckenridge - Affordable
Housing Strategy (My emphasis)
Annexation
Policy
"The
annexation policies of the Town have been highly effective in generating
affordable housing. The policies used in the recent past can be
formalized, listing the minimum standards for future annexations.
The resources the Town brings to the annexation process include:
- ß
Allowing greater densities via the transfer of development rights
within the Upper Blue Basin, including Town-owned sites
-
ß Deferring water tap fees
-
ß Waiving permit fees or other fees associated with the
development process
These
resources can be used in the process to leverage the number of affordable
housing units to be constructed on the annexed sites. A minimum
of 80% of the dwelling units in a proposed annexation should be
developed as deed restricted, affordable housing. A maximum of 20%
of the units should be sold at market rates.
HOW
TO USE ANNEXATIONS TO YIELD A LARGER PERCENTAGE OF HOUSING AFFORDABILITY:
- An
urban growth boundaries determination should leave one direction
open for long-term expansion and growth and to take advantage
of creating housing affordability through annexations.
-
Direct City growth over farmland but toward mountains away from
prime farmlands.
-
Transfer the development rights and revenue streams from poorly
planned high density areas (East Salinas) toward affordable
development in annexed areas in order to relocate households
and generate a revenue source to pay for high density inner city
properties (I'm not 100% percent sure on this idea, I haven't
run, or run into, the numbers). In poorly planned high density
areas demolish structures, clean up toxics, improve infrastructure,
assemble land, in-fill with housing designed to build social capital,
re-forest, set affordability restrictions, provide pricing commensurate
with wages.
-
Relocate residents of poorly planned high-density areas to affordable
developments in annexed areas to initiate a more cost efficient
urban in-fill process.
UNINTENDED
CONSEQUENCE OF URBAN GROWTH BOUNDARIES IMPOSED WITHOUT REQUIREMENTS
FOR HOUSING AFFORDABILITY
The
following are quotes from: A Line in the Land: Urban-growth Boundaries,
Smart Growth, and Housing Affordability Policy Study No. 263
By Samuel R. Staley, Ph.D., Jefferson G. Edgens, Ph.D., and Gerard
C.S.Mildner, Ph.D. November 1999 (http://www.rppi.org/ps277central.html)
(My emphasis)
"Growth
boundaries also appear to be implemented without significant attention
to potential impacts on housing-price appreciation and affordability,
particularly for low-income households."
Growth
Boundaries and Housing Affordability: The Case of Portland
"While
considered by many as one of the most successful examples of growth
boundary implementation, the Portland case also reveals many of
the pitfalls and unintended consequences that can result from their
application. More specifically, the Portland experience provides
a useful perspective on how growth boundaries may start with one
purpose and then be transformed into a vehicle for achieving new
and sometimes unanticipated objectives. The potential impact of
a growth boundary on housing prices is also becoming clear in Portland."
Growth
versus Affordable Housing in Portland
"Metro
and local-government officials have been quiet in discussing the
rise of housing prices in inner-city neighborhoods and their gentrification
by higher-income groups. Housing prices in inner-city areas such
as Southeast Portland, Northeast Portland, and North Portland increased
by 85 percent, 78 percent, and 103 percent, respectively between
1990-95, while the suburban communities averaged 45 percent. Inner-city
gentrification, while a laudable planning goal, creates a burden
carried mainly by Portland's poor. As they are displaced by higher-income
families, poorer households are less able to find better housing
on the urban fringe and in suburban areas."
HOW
HIGHER HOUSING AFFORDABILITY
REQUIREMENTS AFFECT LAND ECONOMICS
The
following quotes are presented as answers to frequently asked questions
and are from: Local Government Initiatives for Affordable Housing:/In
Evaluation of Inclusionary Housing Programs in California. By
Seymour I. Schwartz and Robert A. Johnston, Environmental Quality
Series No. 35 Institute of Governmental Affairs and Institute of
Ecology, Kellog Public Service Research Program University of California,
Davis, 1981. (My emphasis)
Do
higher affordability requirements raise the price of housing?
"In
cases where the developer faces a loss of profit, he/she will try
to avoid this potential loss by raising the price of market-rate
units or by reducing the bid price for land to be developed In other
words, the developer will try to pass the cost of the subsidy forward
to the new home buyer or backward to the landowner. If the
project is already in progress, losses in profit cannot be passed
back to the landowner. However, in the longer term on subsequent
land purchases for development in the jurisdiction, we can expect
prospective reductions in profit to be partially passed back to
the landowner in the form of lower prices for the land."
How
will landowners be affected by the lower prices for the land?
"Landowners
who face a lower bid price for their land will not sell if that
price is inadequate to meet their future expectations. If a developer
is successful in passing back the potential loss of profit in the
form of reduced land prices, and landowners are still willing to
sell, the situation can be viewed as in the case of the developers.
The landowner will suffer reduced profits, but if the price is large
enough to induce a sale, we may infer that normal profits are still
being earned."
Won't
higher affordability requirements put developers out of business?
"As
long as returns are large enough to keep the developer's resources
employed in construction, this is evidence that he/she must be earning
a fair return. If the developer is faced with an inadequate return,
considering the risks involved, he/she will simply move to some
other location or employ his/her resources in a different endeavor.
Thus, the fact that construction activity does not appear to decrease
indicates that the program is not causing subnormal developer returns."
What happens when the Developer can transfer the cost forward
to the buyer?
"If
a prospective buyer of market-rate units buys at a higher price
after all, caused by the shining of the developer's cost (of the
"subsidy") forward, this means that the buyer's consumer's
surplus is reduced. Although the buyer is able to buy at a price
equal to or less than his/her willingness-to-pay (hence value placed
on the house), less money is available for other (less valued) items
of consumption. This is a distributional matter of concern to the
prospective buyer, and hence to the policymaker. Shifting costs
forward to market-rate housing also prices some buyers out of the
market in that jurisdiction. These prospective buyers will suffer
a loss of benefits (welfare) as a result of having to settle for
less desirable housing or a less desirable location than they would
have obtained otherwise. If the buyer who is priced out of a particular
house or jurisdiction is affluent, he/she may be able to obtain
a good quality substitute. In jurisdictions that do not have a highly
segmented market, the reduction in housing opportunity to relatively
affluent households could place pressure on the rental supply and
on lower- priced homes, and therefore affect less affluent households.
The distributional and political consequences will be different
in such a jurisdiction."
COMPONENT
3:
INFILL DEVELOPMENT: INVEST (in Fort Ord) AT THE FRONT END RECAPTURE
AT THE BACK END
In-fill,
and adaptive reuse development is expensive. Here are just a few
of the reasons why:
- Historical
preservation
-
Changes to building code requirements
-
Demolition costs
-
Clean-up and disposal of any hazardous wastes, toxics
-
Infrastructure upgrades
A
MODEL FOR A POTENTIAL IN-FILL INVESTMENT FUND
The
following is a quote from: New Partnership Tackles Bay, Valley
Growth Questions, IRP Urges Better Jobs-Housing Coordination In
5 County Region, by William Fulton, California Planning and
Development Report, Vol. 15, No. 3, March 2000
"The
most interesting idea to emerge from the IRP is the concept of jobs
housing "Incentive Zones" that would receive tax and regulatory
breaks in the same fashion as enterprise zones. The partnership
is asking the legislature to pass a bill permitting the designation
of 5 to ]0 such zones of various sizes scattered around the region...
The sites would be eligible for a slew of special incentives, including
the following.'
- Delivery
of all 100% of property tax revenue generated within the zone
to the city or county containing the zone rather than splitting
revenues among all taxing entities.
-
Streamlined environmental review within the zone under the California
Environmental Quality Act.
-
Priority for Low Income Housing Tax credits, funds from the state
infrastructure bank, and similar discretionary state funding sources.
-
Brownfield style loans for up-front planning and environmental
evaluation of the sites.
AN
EXAMPLE OF WHERE A POTENTIAL IN-FILL
NVESTMENT FUND COULD BE USED
The
Following is a quote from: City of Seaside Minutes Special Council
Meeting May 4, 1998 (bbs.ci.seaside.ca.us/seainfo/archive/)
(My emphasis)
Questions
from Council
"Council
Member Mancini asked if housing in the new development areas would
be affordable for Seaside residents. Mr. Shagrin replied.' There
are no particular development proposals before the City but there
is an expectation that whatever housing that is built at Hayes Park
will not be rental housing but owner-occupied. In general, when
housing is subject to affordability restrictions, a maximum sales
price is established for the units. That sales price is associated
with a monthly payment housing cost considered to be affordable
to people in a particular income category. The LDA does not currently
impose restrictions on sales prices or on who may buy new homes.
If the City decides to impose re-sale restrictions, it would
be easier to do so now, in the LDA. This is because it is easier
for the City to impose restrictions sooner, as the owner of the
land, than later, as issuer of land-use approvals, when there would
be legal limitations.
Council
Members Amos stated that Seaside has already done enough in terms
of low-income housing and that she would like to give Seaside
residents the opportunity to move up without having to leave the
City.
In
response to Mr. Choates' question, Mr. Shagrin commented that Redevelopment
Agencies, for example, are required to spend specified amounts of
tax increment monies on affordable housing for low- and moderate-income
households. He was not aware of any such requirements imposed by
FORA or any other kind of legislation on Hayes Park.
Developer
Input
Danny
Bakewell stated that the Kaufman & Broad-Bakewell Development
Team has done everything it had promised and more. It put up a deposit
allowing the City's costs to be deferred for hiring consultants
and to mitigate any expenses the City would have incurred on behalf
of its staff It has carried out assessments, surveys and other research.
This research proved to be invaluable as the Team assisted in City
negotiations with the Army, because the actual situation of the
land differed markedly from what the Army had claimed. There was
more asbestos and lead-based paint, for example, and the infrastructure
cannot be enhanced; it will have to be completely redone. There
are significantly more costs associated with this project than anticipated,
but the Team is still committed."
COMPONENT
4:
GO BEYOND AFFORDABILITY AND DESIGN NEW HOUSING TO ENCOURAGE DEVELOPMENT
OF SOCIAL CAPITAL AS A COMMUNITY RESOURCE
DEFINITION
OF SOCIAL CAPITAL
The
following are quotes from: Bowling Alone, by Robert Putnam,
2000
"In
recent years social scientists have framed concerns about the changing
character of American society in terms of the concept of "social
capital." By analogy with notions of physical capital and human
capital - tools and training that enhance individual productivity
- the core idea of social capital theory is that social networks
have value. Just as a screw driver (physical capital) or a college
education (human capital) can increase productivity (both individual
and collective), so too social contacts affect the productivity
of individuals and groups."
"What
is at stake is not merely warm cuddly feelings or frissons of community
pride. We shall review hard evidence that our schools and neighborhoods
don't work so well when community bonds slacken, that our economy,
our democracy, and even our health and happiness depend on adequate
stocks of social capital."
DESIGN
FOR SOCIAL CAPITAL BY NON-PROFIT
AFFORDABLE HOUSING DEVELOPERS
The
following is a quote from: Good Neighbors Affordable Family Housing
by Tom Jones, William Pettus, AIA, Michael Pyatok, FAIA, 1995
"As
noted elsewhere, an individual's or household's inability to afford
housing is a combination of lack of earning capacity and a speculative
private market that forces up the price of housing when people need
it the most. The market responds well to those who have high incomes;
apartment rents or home prices meet their income level or their
willingness to pay. But a limited earning capacity insures a struggle
to meet housing expenses. Other services required to help people
maintain or increase their ability to work are now being included
by CDC's who traditionally supplied only subsidized housing. These
services include: child care to give parents time to work or train
themselves to improve their learning capacity; child rearing classes
to improve the next generation's chance of avoiding the problems
of poverty; educational services to encourage prudent shopping,
wise nutrition practices, and better management of limited household
finances; and counseling to help break dysfunctional behavior patterns
and top find jobs"
TYPES
OF HOUSING AND RESIDENT SERVICES PROVIDED BY NON-PROFIT HOUSING
- Typical
two-story town homes rental units at 15 units/acre net with common
open spaces.
- On-site
management
- Permanent
affordability
- Defensible
space
- Community
center facility used for:
- Meetings,
classrooms, game room, health screening, library, polices
substations, computer center, daycare and or childcare development
- Classrooms:
parenting, household budget, first time homebuyers,
- English,
after school tutorials, etc.
- Game
room: ping pong, pool, card games, air hockey, foosball, etc.
- Age
differentiated recreation:
- Soccer
half field
- Multipurpose
recreation court (basket ball, tennis, volley ball etc)
- Basketball
half or full court
- Tot
lots and play structures
- Play
ground and play structures
- Community
gardens, Edible landscaping, Outdoor furniture
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